[1]See Appendix 2, Item 26.

[2]Woodbury invited Cannon to attend a conference on Moloka‘i “if he could spare the time” (Woodbury diary, June 30, 1854).

[3]Hammond recorded the topics of the sermons Cannon delivered during the first two meetings of the day: “Meeting at 10 o’clock. Elder Cannon preached from Is. 60, 14. . . . Postponed our sacrament till next sunday, as it was not understood by the deacons. 2 o’clock p.m. We held meeting at the [Seamen’s] hospital—Bro. Cannon spoke first from Gal. 1.8–9” (Hammond journal, July 2, 1854).

[4]Woodbury related the essence of Cannon’s letter: “Sircumstances wer such that he (Bro. Cannon) could not be with me here at conference as he was obliged to be at Honolulu. wished me to try and be with them at their feast at Lahaina on Wednesday. the feast is got up by the Native Brethren the object of whitch is to have a farewell meeting with George and throw in their mites to assist him home” (Woodbury diary, July 3, 1854).

[5]Hammond also favorably noted the day’s events:

“Bro. Cannon spoke first (after the food was all prepared on the table) on the rise and progress of the work of God on these lands. I followed and spoke a few moments on the same subject and a little on the first principles. Dismissed the meeting and then blessed the food after which about 100 natives besides whites set down to dine. we had a most excellent dinner as I ever set down to, prepared, by natives, on these lands, we had chickens, pork, fish of several kinds, bannanas, sweetpotatoes, kalo, watermelons, pine apples, bread, butter, eggs, poi &c &c a great variety and got up in excellent style, the best feast conducted in the best style of any one I have ever been at on these lands, we all enjoyed ourselves first rate, after dinner the Saints gave in their mites towards the return of the elders. . . . This is a small branch and very few men in it. I don’t think there is now more than 15 men in this branch. . . . At 4 o’clock held meeting again Bro. Geo. spoke a short time, telling his feelings, how he rejoiced to see such a manifestation of their love to the servants of God. &c. &c. exhorted them to stand fast in the doctrin which had been delivered to them. . . . [after several speakers] Bro. Cannon then arose and blessed them in the name of Jesus Christ” (Hammond journal, July 5, 1854).

[6]Hammond reported Cannon’s departure from Maui in greater detail. “The brethren & sisters came to our house to bid Elder Cannon good bye as he sailed with Bro. L. for Honolulu. We had a weeping time in parting with Bro. C. the saints felt as the saints did of old when parting with Father Paul on a certain occasion. they are much attached to him—I attend[ed] fast meeting about 5 o’clock. . . . After meeting I went down on the beach and found Bros Cannon & Lawson still on there waiting for the Capt. . . . I envited them back to the house to take tea they accepted and we all returned and took tea together. Then Bros Cannon & Lawson departed and we saw them no more so I think they sailed” (Hammond journal, July 6, 1854).

[7]Cannon originally started to write Friday but crossed it out and wrote Saturday.

[8]Cannon advised the Maui missionaries to bring food for their stay on O‘ahu as “food is scarse in Honolulu—and the committee fund rather low” (Hammond journal, July 11, 1854).

[9]On April 1, 1854, the Polynesian published an anonymous letter under the heading “Mormonism and Some of Its Fruits” that denounced the Latter-day Saint practice of plural marriage as unscriptural. Johnson penned a lengthy reply that the editor of the Polynesian refused to publish (Johnson diary, Apr. 6, 1854). Nathan Tanner took Johnson’s manuscript with him when he sailed to San Francisco and succeeded in getting it published as a twenty-three-page pamphlet, titled Why the “Latter-day Saints” Marry a Plurality of Wives: A Glance at Scripture and Reason. On July 5, four hundred copies of Johnson’s tract were unloaded at Honolulu. The following day Johnson and Bigler “distributed many pamphlets among the heads of all the [government] departments, sending thro the Minister of Foreign Relations coppies to the King & all the members of the Royal family.” Copies were also given out among the town’s residents (Johnson diary, July 5–7, 1854). For more information on A Glance at Scripture and Reason, see Johnson, My Life’s Review, 176–79; Whittaker, “Early Mormon Pamphleteering,” 348–53; Flake and Draper, Mormon Bibliography, 1:570.

[10]Beginning with this entry for July 17 and continuing to July 28, the handwriting in Cannon’s journal changes from his readily recognizable hand to an equally distinctive but unknown hand. An analysis of the handwriting of Latter-day Saints in Hawai‘i during this time failed to establish any of these individuals as the writer. (The journals of Farrer, Woodbury, Francis Hammond, Mary Jane Hammond, Reddick Allred, Reddin Allred, Bigler, Keeler, Johnson, Karren, and Lewis were examined.) Commencing with the July 29 entry, Cannon resumed writing the entries and continued to do so for the remainder of his Hawaiian mission journal.

[11]Both Hammond and Reddin Allred wrote additional details about the day’s events: “We had to take it on foot and the road was very bad on account of late rains. . . . I never had such a Jurney before for rain and mud—we were completely soaked through with both rain and mud” (Hammond journal, July 18, 1854). “Rain fell upon us while passing thru Nuuanu valley and the last mile before reaching the summit, we had a great deal of mud. . . . While descending, quite a heavy shower of rain fell upon us, and it continued showery all day. . . . We put up with Bro. Hoonuu he fited us up with dry cloaths; and set a table with dishes &c which made us quite comfertable” (Reddin Allred journal, July 18, 1854). Portions of Cannon’s journal and Woodbury’s diary for the day are word for word the same.

[12]The membership, which represented an increase of more than one hundred since March 1854, belonged to nineteen branches (Hammond journal, July 19, 1854; Reddick Allred journal, July 19, 1854).

[13]Cannon’s and Woodbury’s entries for the day are nearly the same, word for word.

[14]Reddin Allred noted that during the afternoon meeting “Bros. Hammond & Cannon spoak on the subject of confession—the consequense of sin &c. it was then motioned and caried that his [the man who confessed adultery] license be taken from him” (Reddin Allred journal, July 20, 1854). Most of Cannon’s journal and Woodbury’s diary for the day are the same, word for word.

[15]Matthew 6:33.

[16]Hammond recorded a significant detail about the day’s meeting: “The rain has been kept back by our faith and prayer—Just as we were commencing one of our meetings it commenced to rain hard. I was called upon to open the meeting by prayer and to ask the Lord to stay the rain (as we were meeting in a bowery out doors) I did so and before the words were farily out of my mouth the rain was stopped and continued so till our meeting was done” (Hammond journal, July 21, 1854). The portions of Cannon’s and Woodbury’s entries reporting this meeting are nearly identical.

[17]Reddin Allred also recounted their travels: “We had a little shower soon after starting.

“Some of the native brethren supplied two or th[re]e of the Elders with horses thro. the worst of the road. Bro. Cannon & I took off our shoes and roled up our pants and traveled about two miles thro. the mud” (Reddin Allred journal, July 21, 1854).

[18]On April 1 and again on July 19, 1854, Brigham Young wrote letters to Cannon and the other Sandwich Islands missionaries. Although it is unclear if Cannon saw either letter, they have been included as Appendix 2, Items 27 and 28 (Deseret News, Apr. 13, May 25, 1859).

[19]Farrer recorded additional information: “Mail arrived from the coast bringing the Des. New’s of April with the conference Minutes & the [eleventh] epistle of the first presidency &c. . . . Bro’s O. [Orson] Pratt & O. [Orson] Spencer [have been called] to Cincinati to establish a gathering place & elder E. [Erastus] Snow to St. Louis to establish a gathering place there. & elder P. P. Prat[t] to establish a place at San Jose” (Farrer diary, July 23, 1854). Woodbury noted that gathering places had also been appointed “in Oragon and one on these Islands if it can be obtained” and that all of these locations were “for temporary gathering until they can gather up to headquarters” (Woodbury diary, July 22, 1854).

[20]The Virago, a six-gun paddle sloop, was part of a fleet of four French and three British vessels united in search of Russian vessels in the Pacific as part of the Crimean War. The arrival of these warships at Honolulu on July 17 “made quite a stir” (Karren journal, July 18, 1854). The dagger (†) at the beginning of this paragraph is found in the original journal—although it may be a cross or a plus sign. Its purpose is unknown.

[21]Because no vessel ran a regular route between the Big Island and O‘ahu, the opportunity to sail between those islands was often difficult to come by. During the first week of July the other elders on the island of Hawai‘i took advantage of a vessel bound for Honolulu, but Keeler, along with Gustaf Linn, remained behind to finish his preparations for the journey home (Karren journal, July 7, 1854).

[22]The missionaries “met in council at six o clock A.M. Pres. Lewis called all (if any there ware that had any feelings) to state them that we might be united; but nothing existed but what was easly made plain & satisfactory” (Reddin Allred journal, July 23, 1854). Hammond reported that among the concerns addressed, “Bro’s. Hawkins, Cannon & Bigler had some griveances to make in relation to some remarks Bro. Lewis had made in relation to the elders going home, saying they might go as soon as they pleased, and not to write home that the mission could not do without their labors &c &c—Bro. Lewis explained it, the circumstances connected with it and all was forgiven” (Hammond journal, July 23, 1854).

[23]The asterisk (*) is found in the original journal; its purpose is unknown.

[24]Regarding the public meetings and the afternoon council meeting, Hammond wrote:

“Bro. Cannon . . . bore a powerful testimoney—telling them that all who refused our testimony would be damned, and all who received it would be saved &c. . . . Came together again. . . . Bro. David Kaauwai, he got up and spoke for sometime causing all to rejoice, he bore a powerful testimoney to the truth of this work—it was the first time he had lifted up his voice to speak in public since he was baptised and ordained an elder. . . .

“Bro. Napela then spoke about the great feast which comes off next Saturday in houner of the elders who are to leave, making some arrangments about about [sic] &c. one colt 5 months old was given in for the return of the Elders.

“ . . . 4 o’clock p.m. . . . we counciled aboutt the return of the five first elders. . . .

“Evening we held a preaching meeting meeting [sic] for the elders and all the foreign saints in Honolulu” (Hammond journal, July 23, 1854).

Karren noted of the evening meeting: “At Earley Candle light we met a gain. . . . Elder Cannon preached after which a number of the Brethren spoak and bore testimony” (Karren journal, July 23, 1854).

[25]Hammond reported Haalelea’s visit in greater detail: “Haalelea came to converse about the gathering place—he offers the same as he did before to let us have the use of all his land on that Island for the term of 4 years for nothing or without expense to make a thourough experiment, and after it is decided that the land is good and we can live there and propser he will then expect us to either buy the land or lease it—he says how can he do anyting against the interest of the church in which he believes—he made answer thus to an inquiry if we had better not have writtings drawn—he was sorry to have us distrust his word—we told him we were not afraid of him but should he die his successor might not be like him &c then said he would give us an instrument of writing to make us sure” (Hammond journal, July 24, 1854). Reddin Allred observed that Haalelea “expresed his belief in the faith; but his popularity and property may keep him out” (Reddin Allred journal, July 24, 1854).

[26]Minutes of this conference have been included as Appendix 3, Item 7.

[27]Farrer wrote more about the visits: “At noon Bro. Bigler & myself went to visit Bro. White by the appointment of conference we found him & had a talk with him he expressed his desire to remain in the church. Bro’s Cannon & Johnson went to visit Bro. Clifford, but he was engaged & they could not have any conversation with him” (Farrer diary, July 25, 1854).

[28]Hammond recounted that the “first elders were then called upon to express their feelings in relation to going home. they all expressed a desire to return, but felt to be in the hands of the conference to do as the spirit should dictate &c.” (Hammond journal, July 25, 1854). Johnson noted that the missionaries were “set at liberty to sail as soon as the way should open” (Johnson diary, July 25, 1854).

[29]Reddick Allred related that the press committee “had recieved a bill of lading [a receipt listing what goods were shipped that is signed by a representative of the carrier] with accounts that the press was shipped on the ‘Living Age’ which was then on her voyage around the Horn, and was soon expected in Port. . . . Money by loan and otherwise was raised to defray all expenses, except freightage and duty” (Reddick Allred journal, July 25, 1854). Regarding the financial committee report, Hammond wrote: “Bro. Cannon then read the report which was accepted. . . . Voted and caried that the commitee continue their labors agreeable to their instructions from last confernce” (Hammond journal, July 25, 1854).

[30]According to Reddick Allred, the report characterized Lana‘i as “the most suitable place and most easily obtained” for gathering the people (Reddick Allred journal, July 25, 1854).

[31]Most of Cannon’s and Woodbury’s entries for the day are the same, except for the use of first or third person when referring to Cannon.

[32]Hammond recorded additional information regarding the discussion about Lana‘i. The question “arose whether we accept Lanai as a gathering place for the saints on these lands—after a little discusion it [was] moved and seconded that we accept Lanai as a gathering place, carried unanimously. . . . Bro. Van Houten called for a reconsideration of the vote on Lanai, thought we had not paid close attention to the question &c—Bro. Van (had not been in conference all the time) quite a discussion then ensude on which Bros Johnson, Cannon, Van Houten, Hawkins and myself [spoke]—but left to remain as voted” (Hammond journal, July 26, 1854). The asterisk (*) is found in the original journal; its purpose is unknown.

[33]As chairman of the committee, Benjamin Johnson made the report, “which was that he had corresponded with the officers of Goverment having Jurisdiction over that matter, but he had not been able to accomplish anything” (Hammond journal, July 26, 1854).

[34]The arrival of the steamer Polynesian at Honolulu on July 21 had generated a great deal of interest. The newspaper Polynesian informed its readers:

“This splendid new steamer which arrived yesterday, is a most welcome visiter at the Islands, and was received by the large crowd assembled on the wharf on her arrival, with three hearty cheers, and a warm wish for her success.

“We are informed by the agent on board, that she has come to engage in the line between this port and San Francisco, for which express purpose she was built: and a vessel better adapted to this particular business could not well have been devised. She has splendid cabin accommodations . . . with bath room, ice house, and every convenience that can be desired. . . . Her consumption of coal is about ten tons per day, and her speed such as to make the passage in 8 days from S. F., and 10 days hence to that port” (“The Steamer Polynesian,” Polynesian, July 22, 1854).

The New Era and Argus reported that the Polynesian “is 475 tons measurement; length on deck 156 feet; breadth of beam 28.4 feet; depth of hold 11.5 feet; draught of water when deep laden 12 feet. She has a single oscillating engine of 350 horse power; 42½ inch cylinder and 36 inch stroke; her propeller is 9 feet diameter. Outside she is a model of a beauty in naval architecture, bark rigged and round stern. Inside she is unsurpassed for the tastefulness, richness, finish and harmonious completeness of her accommodations. She has 32 passenger state rooms in her cabin and 25 in the steerage” (“The Steamer Polynesian,” Honolulu New Era and Argus, July 27, 1854).

[35]The purpose of the meeting was to bless Jane Lewis and pray for the restoration of her health (Karren journal, July 26, 1854).

[36]Hammond described these reports in greater detail: “I was then called upon for a report concerning translating of portions of the book of D. C. I stated that I had translated all that relates to church government concerning officers, members &c &c—moved and seconded that the report be accepted and I continue my labors, carried unanimously—Bro. Farrer was called upon for report on his labors in getting up a synopsis on the scriptures designed for the native saints—his report was accepted and instructed to continue his labors inasmuch as convenient moved and seconded that Bro. Cannon be added to the commitee in connextion with Bro. Farrer, carried—Prs’t called in Bro. Woodbury for report on selecting and arranging a hymn book for the native saints—report accepted moved seconded and carried that he continue his labors” (Hammond journal, July 26, 1854).

[37]Cannon was the one who proposed dividing the Big Island into two conferences (Farrer diary, July 26, 1854).

[38]For overviews of the Lana‘i experience, see Woods, “Palawai Pioneers on the Island of Lanai”; Britsch, “Lanai Colony”; Britsch, Moramona, 35–49; Beck, “Palawai Basin.”

[39]The major portions of Cannon’s and Karren’s entries for the day are identical, except for the use of first- and third-person references.

[40]Reddin Allred reported that “Bro. David Rice expresed his wish to return to the States. . . . His object was to return to New London [Connecticut]—settle his affairs, & then geather to Zion. It was also voted to release Bros. Winchester & Burnham [from the mission]—as they wished to arainge their affairs & geather up to Zion” (Reddin Allred journal, July 27, 1854).

[41]Several of the missionaries left detailed accounts of the meeting. Woodbury wrote:

“We met for a blessing meeting, but after conveneing togather Pres. Lewis gave an invitation to all who wished to speak to arise and free their minds. the time was well occupied. The spirit of the Lord was plainly manifest and union and love prevailed in our midst, all wer filled to over flowing on the occasion and spoke our feelings freely it was trully a time long to be remembered. Bro. Johnson and myself spoke in tongues by the spirit of prophesy, testifying that some of our brethren are going home and that it is right and the will of the Lord. they have done a good work, that in as mutch as we are united in all things and seek the spirit continualy, the Lord’s work will prosper upon these lands on the right hand and on the left and although devils may howl and preists rage yet the Lord is able to cary on his own work and bless his servents in their labours when united in faith diligence and relying wholy upon him. . . . Our meeting continued so late that we defered the blessing meeting meeting [sic] until evening” (Woodbury diary, July 27, 1854).

Farrer noted that Cannon “made some remarks in regard to his feelings at leaving the Islands & separating from those who had been connected with him in the ministery, & also in regard to the progress & prosperity of the work on these lands, followed by Bro Bigler, Farrer, Hammond & Hawkins. . . . [Woodbury] spake in tongues, interpreted by Bro Hammond, which was to the elders that the work on these Islands was not finished, but that it should continue to roll on, & that the elders who commenced the work on these lands should return to the bosom of the saints, that their names should be had in remembrance among the saints till the latest generation & exhorting the elders to be united. . . . Bro. Johnson then spoke in tongues. . . . Bro’s Cannon, Lewis, Allreds, Hammond, Lawson, Hawkins & Johnson then made remarks on the necessity of union among the elders & saints and of upholding the Presidency &c.” (Farrer diary, July 27, 1854).

Hammond wrote: “As the brethren commenced to confess their faults and speak of the goodness of God to his servants the spirit began to be poured out upon us, the brethren who are going home spoke of their acute feelings in taking leave of those who have been associated with them in the work of the Lord upon these lands—all were melted and with love and confidence beaming in each others countanances expressed their joy in the Lord—Bro. Woodbury spoke in tounges. . . . Bro. Johnson also spoke in tounges. . . . I never felt more of the spirit of the Lord in no meeting in my life the room seemed filled with living fire some of the time. Glory to God in the highest for ever calling me to proclaim his Gospel and to have a part in building up his Kingdom on the earth” (Hammond journal, July 27, 1854).

[42]While recopying his journal years later, Bigler recorded additional information regarding Cannon’s blessing, as well as a dream Cannon had at Slap Jack Bar:

“I was struck with the blessing pronounced by Elder Thomas Karren on the head of Brother Cannon, in Substance if not in the very words it was like this, ‘Brother George, the Lord has His eye on you and thou willt be called to fill an important station in this Church of which you know not, yea a high office in the Church and Kingdom of God.’ Much more was said but the above is the gist. . . . I am reminded of a Dream Elder Cannon had when we were at work in the mines in Slap jack bar about the time we were set apart by Brother Rich to go to the Sandwich Islands to preach the Gospel. I will here give it to the best of my recollection and in his own words as follows. ‘I dreamed last night [of] being in a room where President Young was and the Twelve. They were going to ordain me to some office but what that office was is taken from me, but I cried and said I could not fill an office of that magnitude and Brother Young said, Yes you are the man to fill it, and at that they laid their hands on my head and ordained me. After this I thought I had a message to carry and was riding one of the fleetest animals imaginable and the road was a rough one, there was hedges, ditches, logs and rocks and being under full headway that when I came up to them my hair would fairly stand erect with fear but my horse would leap and land me safe on the other side and I delivered my message safely but what it was I do not remember.’ I have often thought of that since then for surely he has been traveling a rough road since he was ordained into the quorum of the Twelve Apostles” (Bigler journal, LDS ledger, July 28, 1854).

[43]Hammond left a more extensive account of the blessing meeting:

“Great and mighty were the promises sealed upon the head of each one, the room was filled with the spirit of the Lord. I never saw a more melting time in my life—the Brethren who are bound home left their blessing upon us who remain—and we who remain bestowed our parting blessing upon them and we were all blessed indeed—

“When I was called to be blessed Bro. R. A. Allred acted as mouth and bestowed a good blessing upon me—but Bro. Geo. Cannon [felt] a desire to add a few words of consolation to me. . . . I realized the truth of all that was sealed upon my head and I know that it was by the spirit of prophecy and revelation that dictated it—All Glory to God my Heavenly Father for such gifts granted unto man. . . .

“Bro. John Van Houten . . . received a great blessing under the hands of the brethren Bro. Cannon being mouth—he was filled to overflowing—Mary Jane was also blessed. . . . I was mouth first and placed great blessings upon her and her posterity—Bro. Karren poured out his soul in blessings and prophicies, so did bro. Geo. Cannon, nothing was omitted that was good—all felt to unite in blessing her for her untiring labors to make the servants of God comfortable on these lands—25 was blessed including two native saints—meeting lasted till past 12 o’clock night. Bro. Cannon was filled with the spirit of blessing—at the request of Bros Lewis & Johnson he reblessed them. Glory to the everlasting Father for his gifts and blessings bestowed upon his saints in these the latter days. I never enjoyed such a meeting before” (Hammond journal, July 27, 1854).

[44]During the morning Cannon “secured a passage for 4 of us on board the Steamer ‘Polynesian’ at $50 each in the steerage, Bro. Keeler not having arrived it was thought best for us to go as our way seemed to open to get a passage though we had not sufficient means as yet to pay for it. yet our faith was strong that we would have [means] by the time the vessel was to leave” (Farrer diary, July 28, 1854). The missionaries still lacked “some $20 on the 4 who are already here besides Br. Keeler—but brother Lewis prophecied to them some months ago that if they would stay contended till July conference they should have plenty of means and be blessed and go away comfortable and I have no doubt but it will be so” (Hammond journal, July 28, 1854).

[45]Bigler, Hammond, and Woodbury provided additional details in their overviews of the feast: “There were perhaps a thousand natives who had come to partake of the feast. . . . Before sitting down to eat all the Elders made a short speech for time would not allow long speeches” (Bigler journal, LDS ledger, July 29, 1854). Hammond recorded:

“Our native feast came off at the native meeting house. . . . Singing & prayer—Br. Bigler then spoke telling the saints how loath he was to leave them—and how much he loved them for all their kindnesses to him on thes lands, as the time was so short he could express a tithe of his feelings on the occasion—he bid in the name of the Lord to stand fast in the truth as it had been taught unto them by us—Br. Cannon blessed the food—we the white brethren could not eat, our hearts were too heavy—after dining Bro. Cannon spoke a few moments very affectionately to the saints—all were heavy and grieved at the words he spoke about his going away—but cheered at the prospect of his return—he exhorted them to stand fast in the doctrin which they have received and to seek knowledge day by day. he bid them an affectionate farewell—Bros Farrer & Hawkins also spoke a few moments much to the same point—after which the saints were envited to hand in their freewill offering for the return of the elders. . . . Bro’s Napela, Makehanohano, & Paulo Maewewa gave 5 dollars each all from Maui. Bro. Uaua also gave 5 dollars he is from Maui also. Dissmissed by Bro. Cannon—the saints took a heart rending farewell of the brethren bound home—I never witnessed more love in the hearts of the saints” (Hammond journal, July 29, 1854).

Woodbury wrote, “After opening the meeting in the usual way, the four Elders for whose benifit the feast was prepared spake to the Saints, while the tears stood in their eyes while listening to their farewell words. After pertakeing of the bounties provided: the brethren came forward and donated of their money for the return of the Elders. . . . After paying their passage on board the steamer . . . they had some 20 dollars remaining” (Woodbury diary, July 29, 1854).

[46]The departure of Cannon, Keeler, Bigler, and Hawkins was an emotional experience for all. Hammond wrote:

“We all followed down to the warf to see the last of the brethren—we waited some 2 hours for the vessel to sail. . . . I never felt so near to no men in all my life—2 o’clock p.m. we bid them a last farewell and the noble steamer left her mooring and stood majesticly out to sea—I thought my hearts deepest well of affection were broken up it seemed like parting with my own blood relatives. I wept like a child, Bro. Cannon seemed as near to me as an own brother. I nevr knew a [man] in whom I could place greater confidence, and so with all those now taken their leave of these lands to join the saints in Zion. . . . Mary Jane was also deeply affected at parting with the brethren especially Bro. George as he has been a great deal at our house since we have been on these lands, he seems like one of the family. We watched them till they were well out of the harbor—then returned home with heavy hearts—I never felt it so hard to part with friends before—I have been closely associated with them for the last 3 years. I have prayed, sung, wept & rejoiced with them on these lands, I have heard them testifying to the truth of this work and preaching the Gospel of life and salvation to the inhabitants of these lands—and I feel that they have cleared their skirts of the blood of this nation and I pray God my Heavenly Father that I may fill my mission as honorably as they have theirs” (Hammond journal, July 29, 1854).

Karren noted: “The warf was crowded with people, and the greatest part of them was natives belonging to the Church, who manifested a great warmth of feelings there was also feelings of sadness to be seen in mostly every countanance so great ware the shaking of hands that it made it difficult to get by them, which was the cause of calling forth great notice & suprise; it seemed to excite greater notice to see the Mormons, than the steam boat” (Karren journal, July 29, 1854). Reddin Allred reported, “We all went down to the wharf to see them off, and like Elishia to follow them untill the chariet ascended, hoping that their mantals might fall upon us” (Reddin Allred journal, July 29, 1854). Farrer recounted the departure this way: “As the time was near for us to be on board we had to dismiss our meeting & get ou[r] things on board which were arrived down by the saints who went by scores to the wharf to see us of[f] & give us a last farewell. we were also accompanied by all the elders. . . . The vessel moved from the wharf & sailed steadily out of the harbor while the elders & saints to whom we had given the parting hand & farewell stood waving the hat or hand till lost in the distance” (Farrer diary, July 29, 1854).

Cannon subsequently described his feelings in his reminiscent account of his mission: “When the signal was made for all to go on board, we had considerable difficulty in making our way to the vessel, through the throng of people who crowded around to shake hands. My feelings were indescribable. My dear white friends I had been associated with on terms of the closest intimacy for several years. Ties of blood could not, it seemed to me, have caused us to be more attached to each other than we were. We had endured privation and toil together; we had counseled and prayed together; we had had seasons of joy and happiness together, such as those only know who have been engaged in similar labors. My feelings were so acute at the thought of parting with these beloved companions and Saints, that, long as the years had been during which I had been absent from home, and much as I had yearned for that home and its loved associations, I could not control my emotions.

“How great the contrast between our landing and our departure! We had landed there friendless and unknown—so far as man was concerned. Now there were thousands who loved us, who rejoiced in the truth of the gospel and in the testimony of Jesus. On that wharf that day was an illustration of the wonderful power of the gospel in creating love in the hearts of the children of men. We had gone forth weeping and bearing precious seed. The Lord had given us souls for our hire” (Cannon, My First Mission, 65; see also Bigler journal, LDS ledger, July 29, 1854).

[47]When Keeler was finally ready to leave for the conference, he was unable to locate a vessel bound for Honolulu. Eventually he secured passage for Maui. After landing at Hana, he started the long journey across the island to Lahaina but had only reached Wailuku on the day the Polynesian sailed. On August 2, Keeler finally arrived at Honolulu. He noted that “the Brethren came down to the beach to see me come a shore I was glad to see them but was sorry to hear that the Brethren had gone & left me here but I concluded it was all right as it was therefore I did not feel to complain for the Lord knows what is for the best” (Keeler journal, Aug. 2, 1854). Keeler remained in the islands another year, sailing for home in August 1855 (Keeler journal, Aug. 28, 1855).

[48]Regarding the initial leg of the voyage, Farrer wrote: “We had not been long on board before we were sea sick & vomited. & about 8 or 9 o clock P.M. I took a last look at the Islands as we were getting out past the point of Oahu & went below & turned in having vomited up every thing in me that would come up & feeling very sick the rest of the Brethren having gone below before” (Farrer diary, July 29, 1854).